Ebook Free , by Samuel Bowles
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, by Samuel Bowles
Ebook Free , by Samuel Bowles
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Product details
File Size: 5461 KB
Print Length: 289 pages
Publisher: Yale University Press (May 28, 2016)
Publication Date: May 1, 2016
Sold by: Amazon Digital Services LLC
Language: English
ASIN: B01EUYN5GM
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Used to work at Nokia in 90ies when when incentives were introduced. The size of incentives were dependent on the increase of the value in the company during the incentive period and the incentives became huge. I got the impression people who got those huge incentives maybe did not work as enthusiastically any more after they got the money. First I thought it was because they got so much money they did not have any reason to work anymore.But it was much more complicated than that. The incentives did not only erode people's effort level but also their morals: SOME people stopped working out of the only right motives of the engineer ("willing to achieve something cool and useful and something of high quality"). Somehow incentives eroded the "right" motives even in cases when the sums achieved were not huge at all.Samuel Bowles' book discusses the problem why sometimes incentives crowd-out (erode) the social (altruistic, reciprocal etc.) preferences of people when they are acting in the society and the companies. But he also discusses how social and economic incentives in some cases can work in synergy. When economic incentives do not act alone but are combind with a message (e.g. "it is wrong to do A and that's why we will put a monetary penalty for breaking the rule"), the incentives sometimes work together fine. So in the end this an optimistic book.The book is kind of conclusion of Bowles' studies during his whole life. (Bowles is a left-wing economist - I am right-wing but I trust on him for reasons which kind of become evident reading his not so politically correct writings.)This is not only a book describing the reality as it is but a book which wants to give advice to the Legislator. Bowles sees the task of the Legistlator much in an Aristotelian sense. It is not about creating a society where knaves are through incentives put to work in a manner that contributes to common good. It is also about developing incentives and institutions in a way which creates moral citizens with social preferences - or at least make the rules so, that existing social preferences do not crowd out and that people with social preferences are able to have a positive impact on the society and e.g. through peer punishment affect even how the other people without social preferences act.
The Moral Economy is a good, but ultimately impractical, book. It's great in questioning the mechanistic view of incentives that most economists bring to policy-making. It provides a sound mix of theory, evidence, anecdote and philosophy to make its case. Albeit its shortcomings it's well worth the read.Bowles introduces an important perspective into policy-making, with a message targeted at economists: social norms can amplify, cancel or overturn economic incentives designed with an specific outcome in mind. Norms work more or less like a megaphone: they can increase the reach of individual incentives, carrying them louder and farther, or they can screech them into dissonance, distorting or even cancelling-out the intended message.Blending political philosophy with recent findings from experimental economics, Bowles shows how other-regarding preferences, that is, networked utility functions that deliberately account for "the effects of one’s actions on others" (p. 26), introduce a challenge to those Pavlovian economists who believe social problems require little else than a smart mix of carrots and sticks. As Bowles puts it: "The challenge facing the Legislator is that the framing provided by the incentive may affect the salience of the individual’s social preferences, resulting in a level of experienced values different from would have been the case in the absence of the incentive. When this occurs, social preferences and incentives are not separable, and experienced values may be influenced (positively or negatively) by the use of incentives" (pp. 47-48). In short, there is feedback between individual incentives and social norms, and economists have made a mistake assuming this relationship away.What follows is that incentives are, besides tools to motivate action (pardon the tautology), messages that can further - or hinder - the goal of policies. This communicative role reflects the relationship between policy-makers and their constituents. As Bowles summarizes, "The problem of crowding out may arise when the information that an incentive conveys is off-putting about the person imposing the incentive, or when it frames the problem as one in which self-interested motives are acceptable or even called for, or when the incentive compromises the autonomy of its target" (p. 191). For this reason, incentives such as taxes or fines can have negative unexpected consequences, like the now famous Haifa kindergarten experiment on late pick ups, or positively magnifying effects, like the small tax on plastic bags introduced in Ireland in 2002. Incentives, therefore, can work most of the time if they're accompanied by an adequate appeal to related social norms.The book falls short on explaining what social norms are, how to identify them, and how they should be introduced into policy. The Aristotelian Legislator that Bowles advocates seems too preoccupied with philosophical musings to put together applicable, practical, ways of bringing them into the sphere of policy - a gap that the author might want to help close in the future, as the book offers vague, platitudinous advice to policy makers. Take this "advice" from page 207: "Avoid "bad news". Incentives designed to control or take unfair advantage of the target may not work; ensure fairness in implementation of incentives". This ivory tower style recommendation, and others like it, will never ring in the ears of the policy-makers who actually have to get things done.It seems to me that Bowles' Aristotelian Legislator would be adrift without a close, pragmatic, Aristotelian Engineer.In sum: Good on political philosophy, economic theory and experimental evidence. Lacking in concreteness to be useful in actual policy.
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